THE JERUSALEM TEMPLE
Solomon's Temple was destroyed
by the Babylonians in 586 BCE. After years in exile, King Darius allowed
some Jews to return to Judea in order to rebuild Jerusalem and the Temple,
but the Temple paled by comparison with the first Temple. The second
Temple underwent many partial renovations until it was almost completely
dismantled and rebuilt by Herod the Great.
In 20-19 BCE, in the eighteenth
or the seventeenth year of his reign, Herod announced that he planned
to renovate the Temple (Ant. 15.11.1-2; 380-90 = War
1.21.1; 401). Actually, it seems that what he intended was its replacement,
so that one could call it a new Temple. Some feared that Herod would
pull down the old structures but would not be able to rebuild them,
and so were reluctant to cooperate with Herod in this building project
(Ant. 15. 388-89). Josephus records Herod's speech to
the people on the eve of his massive renovation project (Ant.
15. 382-87); probably Josephus copied it from the court archives.
In preparation to carry out
his building project, Herod acquired a thousand wagons (with oxen) to
transport the stones from the quarry to the building site, hired 10,000
skilled workmen and trained 1,000 priests as masons and carpenters,
for only priests could work on the sanctuary (hykl) and the Court
of the Priests, since only they were allowed to enter that part
of the Temple (Ant. 15.11.2; 389-90). Herod's Temple was under
construction from c. 20/19 BCE until 63, just before its destruction
by the Romans, but most of the work was completed earlier rather than
later. Josephus says that the inner courts (ho naos) was completed
after a year and a half, whereas the construction of the stoa and the
outer courts took eight years (Ant. 15.11.5-6; 420-21). The
rest of the time was spent finishing up the work and doing renovations. He
also claims that during the time the inner courts (ho naos) were
under construction, no rain fell during the day, but only at night,
so as not to hinder progress (Ant. 15.11.7; 425). The Roman
historian Tacitus describes the Temple as "possessing enormous
riches," which is credible since the Jews only had one Temple,
so that all their resoruces were directed to that structure (Histories
No one knows for certain what Herod's temple looked like in all its detail, nor its exact dimensions, but one can form a general idea of its layout from recent archaeological excavations (see M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple), accounts of authors contemporary with Herod's Temple and from the Mishnah. The major literary sources are Josephus (War 5.5.1-8; 184-247; Ant. 15.11.5-7; 410-25) and the Mishnaic tractate Middot (m. Mid.), as well as other tractates. The problem with the literary sources is that they are incomplete and even contradictory at points. The Mishnah is suspect on some counts because it was written long after living memory of the Temple. In this study, where the literary sources diverge, either both are given as options or one of the two options is determined to be the most likely. In many cases Josephus' descriptions are given precedence since he was an eyewitness.
The Jerusalem Temple was situated on top of the Temple Mount, also known as Mt. Moriah. Josephus explains, "The hill was a rocky ascent that sloped gently up towards the eastern part of the city to the topmost peak" (Ant. 15.397). To the west of the Temple was the Tyropoeon valley and to the south and east was the Kidron valley, possibly identical to the Hinnom valley (Gehinnom). The north provided easiest access to the Temple, since the approach from that direction was relatively level.
Josephus describes the city as laying before the Temple as a "theater," by which he means that the city was situated on the west and south sides of the Temple in a sort of semi-circle (Ant. 15.410). Archaeological investigation reveals that the outer wall of Herod's Temple itself was an irregular quadrangle: south wall = 280 m.; west wall = 485 m.; north wall = 315 m.; east wall 460 m. The total circumference of the temenos or sacred precincts, was 1,540 m., and the total area = c. 144,000 sq. m. (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 77). These dimensions were large by ancient standards; most temples in the ancient world were much smaller. Herod had the the old foundations of the Temple removed (Ant. 15.391). Archaeological evidence suggests, however, that he kept the eastern wall in tact, for there is a "seam" visible near the southern corner of the eastern wall separating the Herodian stonework and what is presumed to be the pre-Herodian eastern wall. From the seam southward is thirty-two meters of Herodian wall (out of a total of 460 meters), from which it may be inferred that Herod's builders extended the outer wall this distance to the south (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 101-103). There is also archaeological evidence of an elaborate drainage system, which would be indispensible to Temple operations.
In the Mishnah it is said that the Temple mount—the outer wall—was 500 cubits square (m. Mid. 2.1) (a cubit is c. 22 inches or 56.1 centimeters), and Josephus says that the east portico was 400 cubits long (Ant. 20.9.7; 221-22). Obviously there is a discrepancy between the archaeological and the literary evidence concerning the size of the Temple. (The Mishnah may base its measurements on Ezek 42:16-20, which specifies that the Temple should be 500 cubits square.) In another place, Josephus said the circumference of the outer walls was four stadia (stadion = c. 607 ft. or 184 m.) with each side being one stadion, which would make the outer courts a square (Ant. 15.401). This also contradicts the archaeological evidence.
In Apion 2.8; 103-109, Josephus gives a brief description of the layout of the Temple. He says that the Temple had four courts, each with restrictions on who could enter. The outer court was open to all, including non-Jews, except menstruating women. Into the second court were allowed all Jewish men and menstrually-clean, Jewish women. Beyond the second court was the third court into which Jewish men could enter. Finally the fourth court was restricted to priests who were properly attired, which means essentially priests who were on duty. Josephus also indicates that only the High Priest dressed in his high priestly raiment could enter the inner sanctuary (adytum), by which is meant the holy of holies. Similarly, the Mishnah distinguishes degrees of holiness possessed by various areas of the Temple: the Temple mount was holier that the city, whereas the terrace surrounding the inner courts was holier than the Temple mount. The Court of Women was holier than the terrace and the Court of the Israelites was holier than it. Finally, the Court of the Priests was holier than all (m. Kelim 1.8-9). It should also be noted that, because the Temple was situated on the summit of a hill (Mt. Moriah), one ascended as one went up to the Temple and, once in the Temple, moved upwards towards the sanctuary (War 5.1.1; 9-11).
also is that there were no statues, votive offerings or plants in
the Jerusalem Temple, a fact that gentiles found remarkable (see Hecataeus
of Abdera [4th c. BCE] as quoted in Apion 1.199: "There
is not a single statue or votive offering, no trace of a plant, in
the form of a sacred grove or the like"). When they came to visit
for festivals, some Jews in the second-Temple period brought to Jerusalem
second-tithe money, ten percentage of their income after the first
tithe was removed (see Deut 14:22-26; Jub. 32:11 Tobit 1:7;
Ant. 4.205; m. Ma'aser Sheni). This meant that many
Jews spent sizable sums of money in the city, which no doubt included
purchases of types of sacrifices that they themselves could eat (fellowship
and peace offerings).
The outer courts were surrounded by a high and thick wall. Josephus says that this wall was the "greatest ever heard of," which, although exaggerated, is not far from the truth (Ant. 15.11.3; 396). Parts of this wall still survive today and have recently been excavated down to their original ground level. The stones used are described by Josephus as "hard and white" (lithoi leukoi te kai krataioi) (Ant. 15.11.3; 392). Not surprisingly the limestone ashlars (blocks) used were large, especially those used in the lower courses and the corners. Josephus says that some of the stones were 40 cubits long (c. 20 m.) and six cubits (c. 3 m.) high (War 5.5.1; 189; Ant. 20.9.7; 221); the largest stone found to date is 12 m. x 3 m. x 4 m., weighing perhaps 400 tons or even more (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 88). Most of the other stones used were much smaller, between two and five tons each. The outer wall consisted of three rows of blocks and was about five meters thick (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 90-91); the huge blocks of stone were put into place by means of ramps and pulleys (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 84). The blocks were fitted together using the "dry construction" method, which means that no mortar was used in the construction; mortar would have required the use of lime, which was difficult and expensive to produce. Each block had a "marginal dressing," meaning that each had a frame or margin chiseled around its edge (M. ben Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 96). According to Josephus, the outer walls were so massive that Roman battering rams were unable to cause a breach in the outer western wall (War: 6.4.1; 220-22).
of the wall varied, but on the exterior to the south it extended more
than thirty meters above ground level (Sanders, Judaism,
In some places, the actual height of the wall is fifty meters, because
the foundation is twenty meters below ground level (M. ben-Dov, In
the Shadow of the Temple, 77, 92). (Josephus says that
the actual height of the wall in some places was as high as 300 cubits
(= c. 150 meters), but this seems to be in error; he is is correct,
however, in noting in general that, "the whole depth of the foundations
was not apparent; for they filled up a considerable part of the ravines,
wishing to level the narrow alleys of the town" [War, 5.188].)
On the top of the outer wall, there was a parapet on either side,
in order to allow people safe access to the top of the wall. Josephus
relates how once during a Passover celebration, a Roman soldier standing
on the exterior Temple walls exposed himself to the Passover crowds,
thereby causing a riot. As a result a massacre ensued as the Roman
legionnaires attempted to restore order (Ant. 20.5.2; 104-12).
how the outer wall was constructed (Ant. 15. 397-400). The
outer walls were built around the base of the Temple mount, starting
from the lowest point; the blocks were fastened to one another with
lead (He also says that iron
clamps were used on the inside of the blocks to join them together,
giving the outer walls greater strength and stability). When the wall
reached the designated height, the summit of the Temple mount was
leveled off, and fill was brought in to fill up the empty space between
the walls and the Temple mount, so that the outer walls functioned
as retaining walls. This provided a level surface for the Temple complex. The
result was that the ground level of the outer courts was higher than
ground level outside of the Temple. Actually, the empty space between
the summit and the outer walls was not completely filled in, for under
the Temple complex towards the southeastern corner of the Temple are
three stories of vaulted chambers, what is known today as "Solomon's
Stables" (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 91).
The empty space underground reduced the pressure exerted against the
outer walls from within. These vaulted chambers were connected to
the Triple Huldah Gate passageway and supported the floor of the Temple
on the southeast side of the Temple complex (see also m. Para
3.3: "The Temple Mount and the Temple Courts had a hollow space
beneath them in case there was a grave in the depths"). Obviously
the outer wall would be almost impenetrable, especially since the
Temple was surrounded on three sides by ravines; only the access from
the north was relatively level. This explains why so frequently
the Temple was used as a citadel.
to the Mishnah, one entered the Temple complex, surrounded
by the outer wall, through one of five gates, two on the south and
one each other side (m. Mid. 1.3); according to m. Mid.
2.3 the gates were ten cubits wide by twenty cubits high (c. five
meters by ten meters). The gate on the west was known as the Coponius
(Kiphonus) Gate (m. Mid. 1.3), which may correspond to what
is today known as Barclay's Gate, named after the American J.T. Barclay,
who identified the remains of the lintel and arch of this Herodian
gate (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 116, 140-41).
This gate took a person under the Temple and by means of stairs led
up into the outer courts. Contrary to the Mishnah, however,
archaeological evidence confirms that there was more than one gate
on the west side, bordering the Tyropoeon valley. This is confirmed
by Josephus who says that there were four gates leading into the Temple
from the west (Ant. 15.11.5; 410); the Coponius (Kiphonus)
Gate referred to in the Mishnah is the second gate from the
southwest corner of the Temple. The most southerly of these four gates
was situated twelve meters north of the southwest corner. In 1838,
Edward Robinson identified the remains of an archway, now known as
"Robinson's Arch," that once led to the place where this
gate once stood; the supporting pier for the western edge of this
arch was uncovered thirteen meters from the western wall.
To the south of this pier, perpendicular to the archway, was uncovered the foundations of a row of vaults that rose gradually from south to north; these vaults supported a staircase connecting the street running along the Tyropoeon Valley with the Temple. Josephus may be describing this gate when he writes, "The last [gate] led to the other part of the city, from which it was separated by many steps going down to the ravine and from here up again to the hill" (Ant. 15.11.5; 410). It is clear both from Josephus' description and the archaeological evidence that one used this staircase in order to enter this southern-most gate on the western side of Temple complex. North of "Robinson's Arch" and "Barclay's Gate," which is probably the Coponius (Kiphonus) Gate, is located what is now known as "Wilson's Arch," named after the man who explored it in the late 1860's. This structure probably dates from the post-destruction period, but marks the location of another western gate similar to the most southerly gate (Robinson's Arch) (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 169-78). The northernmost gate along the western wall may have been situated at what is now known as "Warren's Gate," named after its discoverer, Charles Warren, who led the British expedition under the auspices of the Palestine Exploration Fund. What is visible at present is the upper portion of a blocked-up gate, which is probably a later Muslim reconstruction of a gate original to Herod's Temple (The arched lintel of "Warren's Gate" dates from the Muslim period, but the gate posts are probably from the second-Temple period [M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 145]). Like the Coponius (Kiphonus) Gate, this gate accessed the outer courts from underground. Josephus describes how, during the siege of the Temple, Titus burned some of the outer gates and how their silver plating melted to revealed a wooden interior, which soon caught fire; this fire soon spread to the porticoes, which had wooden components (War 6.4.2; 232-35). On the outside of the outer western wall of the Temple ran a street paved with stones; along the eastern side of the street, adjacent to the outer western Temple wall were many shops (see M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 80, 114).
led to a walkway that ran along the top of the shops along the western
wall; it led to the two lower gates through which one entered into
the Temple underground.
The two sets
of southern gates are known as the two Huldah Gates, the double Huldah
gate and the triple Huldah gate. It seems that the southern gates
became the de facto main entrance to and exit from the
Temple, because they were the most used. A paved street seven meters
wide ran along the southern outer wall of the Temple in front of the
Huldah gates for a distance of 280 meters. Access to the both Huldah
gates was by means of staircases.
in front of the double Huldah gate was 65 m. wide, while that in front
of the triple Huldah gate was 15 m. (The staircase in front of the
double Huldah gate alone still exists.) The risers on the steps are
low, between seven and ten inches, and the treads vary between twelve
and thirty-five inches; this irregularity forces a person to adopt
an slow and deliberate gate when using the staircase, as if in a procession.
The double Huldah gate served as an exit from the Temple, while the
triple Huldah gate was used as an entrance (m. Mid. 1.3;
2.2) (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 113). The
"They entered from the right and exited to the left" (m.
Mid. 2.2). The staircase in front of the double Huldah gate was
wider than that in front of the triple Huldah gate in order to accommodate
the simultaneous exit of people from the Temple when ceremonies or
festivities ended and perhaps their lingering for the purpose of socializing.
Entrance into the Temple would be more staggered in time and so a
more narrow staircase sufficed. Both gates opened into highly-decorated
tunnels that led upwards into the outer courts (M. ben-Dov, In
the Shadow of the Temple, 136-37). As indicated, the passageway
of the triple Huldah gate was connected to the vaulted chambers beneath
the southeastern part of the Temple, what is now called "Solomon's
stables," where there were stalls for animals. Presumably, those entering
the Temple from the south could buy animals for sacrifice that were
certified as valid by the Temple authority.
The eastern gate led to the Mount of Olives, whereas the gate on the north, the Tadi Gate, was not used (m. Mid. 2.1). There also are the remains of an arch near the "seam" on the eastern wall, indicating that there used to be a entrance into the Temple at this point and that there was a street that ran under this arch parallel to the eastern wall (M. ben-Dov, In the Shadow of the Temple, 115-16).
The area inside the outer walls is known as the outer courts or, as Josephus expresses, "the first court" (ho prôtos peribolos) (The Mishnah refers to the outer courts as the "Mount of the House"); the largest area within the outer court was to the south, then the east, then the north and finally the west (m. Mid. 2.1). It was paved with stones no doubt similar to the ones used for the street along the western wall (War 5.11.2; 192-93). Any person who was ritually pure, including a gentile, could enter into the outer courts.
court was surrounded by a portico adjacent to the inside of the walls
(War 5.5.2; 191-93; Ant. 15.11.5; 410-416) (A portico
is a porch, or walkway with a roof supported by columns). The portico
consisted of three rows of columns, except along the southern wall
where there were four rows of columns (Acts 2:46). The outermost columns
were pilasters, columns set into the Temple wall (M. ben-Dov, In
the Shadow of the Temple, 93). The portico consisting of four
rows of columns on the south was called the Royal Portico. Another
one of these porticoes is called Solomon's Portico, which probably
was situated along the east side of the outer court (John 10:23; Acts
3:11; Acts 5:12). Josephus gives an account of how Samaritans once
during Passover scattered human bones in the porticoes and throughout
the Temple, when the priests were accustomed to throwing open the
gates of the temple after midnight; this had the effect of ritually
contaminating the Temple (Ant. 18.2.2; 29).
With the exception of those along the southern wall, each column was twenty-five cubits high and made of a single piece of white marble; the ceiling of the portico was lined with cedar. On the three sides of the outer court the portico was thirty cubits wide (c. 30 x c. 18 inches = 45 feet or 30 x .5 m. = c. 15 m.) (War 5.11.2; 190). As indicated, the portico on the south side of the Temple, the Royal Portico, consisted of four rows of columns, thereby creating three aisles; the two outer aisles were thirty feet (podes) wide and over fifty-feet high, whereas the middle aisle was one and half times wider than each of the outer aisles (i.e., forty-five feet wide) and twice as high (100 feet high). (Josephus uses the "foot" as a unit of measurement in this section rather than the cubit; this foot is approximately equal to the English foot.) This implies that the columns used in the construction of the Royal Portico were taller than those used in the other porticoes. The wooden ceilings of the Royal Portico were decorated with carvings of different figures (Ant. 15.11.5; 413-17). Josephus says that there were 162 columns used in the Royal Portico, each with an impressive Corinthian capital; each of these columns was so wide that "it would take three men with outstretched arms touching one another to envelop it" (Ant. 15.11.5; 413). (Whether this was true for the columns used in the other porticoes is not said.) According to War 5.11.2; 192, the total circumference of the stoa adjacent to the inner wall of the outer court was six stadia (i.e., 6 x c. 607 feet or 184 m.), and in Ant. 15.11.5; 415, the length of the Royal Portico was one stadion (c. 607 feet or 184 m.). (His other statement that each side of the wall was one stadion conflicts with this.) These porticoes are not mentioned in the Mishnah, possibly because these were typically Greek architectural feature; but archaeologists have uncovered parts of the columns used in the construction of the porticoes (Sanders, Judaism, 59). According to Josephus, if one stood on the roof of the Royal Portico and looked down into the Kidron valley one would become dizzy, so great was the height (Ant. 15.11.5; 410). He also relates how, during the Roman attack on the Jewish revolutionaries who were in the Temple, some 6,000 women and children took refuge on the top of the one remaining portico not yet on fire; without orders, some Roman soldiers set fire to this portico, resulting in the deaths of those who had taken refuge there (War 6.5.1 277-78; 6.5.2; 283-85).
courts were situated within the outer courts, to the southwest of
it. Around the inner courts was a partition separating it from the
outer courts. Josephus says that this partition was three cubits
high, whereas m. Mid. 2.3 says that it was only ten handbreadths
high, or almost half as high. This partition is called the soreg
in the Mishnah, which derives from the verb srg,
which means to interlace or plait, so that it seems to refer to
some type of lattice work, the implication possibly being that it
was made of wood. Josephus, however, calls this balustrade a druphaktos,
by which is meant a railing or balustrade, and says that it was
made of stone. So the two sources are divergent about the nature
of this partition. Since he was an eyewitness, Josephus' account
should be preferred. It is possible that the partition was a free-standing
structure, but it may also have formed part of the vertical extremity
of the terrace that lay beyond it. Regardless, it had warning signs
regularly spaced along it advising gentiles that entrance into the
inner courts was forbidden on pain of death (War 5.193;
m. Mid. 2.3) (see also Josephus, War 6.124-26;
Ant. 15. 417; Philo Leg. ad Gaium 212).
Beyond the balustrade (soreg) were stairs leading up to a terrace (called the chel in m. Kelim 1.8), ten cubits wide, which was bounded by the walls of the inner court. According to Josephus, there were fourteen steps leading up to the terrace, while the Mishnah states that there were only twelve steps (m. Mid. 2.3). The number in the Mishnah, however, is suspect because of the symbolic importance of the number twelve. Josephus explains that beyond the terrace lay other sets of five steps leading up to gates opening up into the inner courts (War 5.5.2; 196-97), but the Mishnah describes the terrace as bounded by the walls of the inner court with no additional steps (m. Mid. 2.3). On the exterior, the height of the wall (including the steps) separating the two courts was forty cubits (c. 20 meters), while on the inside it was twenty-five cubits (c. 12.5 meters), since the inner courts were elevated above the outer courts. According to the Mishnah, when Nisan 14 fell on the Sabbath (when carrying the sacrificed paschal offering out of the Temple was forbidden) the first group to offer the Passover remained in the outer court, the second group on the terrace surrounding the inner courts, inside of the soreg, whereas the last group waited where they sacrificed their lambs until sundown, when the Sabbath was concluded (m. Pesah. 5.10).
According to Josephus, there were ten entrances into the inner courts, four on the south, four on the north, one on the east and one leading east to west from the Court of Women to the Court of the Israelites, called the Nicanor Gate (War 5.5.2; 198; m. Mid. 1.4). This is confirmed by the Mishnah, for m. Sheqal. 6.3 and m. Mid. 2.6 both indicate that there are four gates each on the south and north sides of the inner courts, in addition to the Nicanor Gate. According to m. Sheqal. 6.3 and m. Mid. 2.6, on the south side, from west to east, are found the Upper Gate, the Fuel Gate, the Firstling Gate and the Water Gate; on the north side, from west to east, are located the Jeconiah Gate, the Offering Gate, the Women Gate and the Song Gate. Only three of these gates actually lead into the women's court from the outer courts, one from the east, which may have been the Beautiful Gate (see below), the Song Gate from the north and the Water Gate from the south. There is a discrepancy in the Mishnah, however, concerning the number of gates leading into the inner courts. M. Mid. 1.4-5 says that there were only seven gates, three on the south, three on the north and one on the east. But this text may refer only to the gates on the north, south and east sides that lead into the Court of the Priests or the Court of the Israelites (what Josephus calls the "sacred [court]" and the "third court" Ant. 15.11.5; 419), omitting to mention that there were three more gates, one on the north, one on the south and one on the east, each of which led into the Court of Women. In addition, there is some disagreement on the names of the gates in this parallel passage. According to m. Mid. 1.4, the gates on the south were called the Fuel Gate, the Firstling Gate and the Water Gate. As indicated, these three names also occur in m. Sheqal. 6.3 and m. Mid. 2.6. Only one of the names of the three gates on the north side in m. Mid. 1.5, however, matches the names of the four northern gates mentioned in m. Sheqal. 6.3 and m. Mid. 2.6: the Offering Gate. The other two gates on the north side in m. Mid. 1.5 are called the Light Gate and the Gate of the Chamber of the Hearth. In m. Mid. 1.5, the Light Gate is said to be a peristyle (court enclosed by columns, or a portico) on the ground level with an entrance onto the surrounding terrace and also an upper story that the priests and Levites used to keep watch over the inner courts. With the exception of the Nicanor Gate, these gates were thirty cubits high and fifteen wide, and each had two doors and a gate room. (In Apion 2.8; 119, Josephus says that the gates were sixty cubits high and twenty wide, which seems to be an exaggeration.) The Nicanor Gate was forty-cubits wide and fifty cubits high. The nine gate rooms (exedra) were thirty cubits wide, thirty cubits deep and forty cubits high, each supported by two columns (War 5.5.3; 202-203). Elsewhere, Josephus says that these gate rooms each consisted of three rooms (Ant. 15.11.5; 418). According to m. Mid. 1.4 (see m. Mid. 2.6), the Nicanor Gate had two gate rooms, one on either side of it; one was called the Chamber of Phineas where the priest responsible for the distribution of priestly raiment carried out his duties, while the other room was used for the preparation of the meal-offering cakes. In m. Mid. 1.6, the Chamber of the Hearth, connected to the gate by the same name, is said to have four rooms opening into a reception room (Heb. trqlyn = Lat. torcularium), which were used for different purposes. The room to the southwest was the "Chamber of the Lamb Offerings," the one to the southeast the "Chamber of Shewbread," the one to the northeast the place where the Hasmoneans hid the defiled altar stones, and the room to the northwest was a chamber that led down to the "Chamber of Immersion," where priests would ritually cleanse themselves ritually when needed. The two rooms on the south were considered to be on sacred ground, whereas the two on the north were in non-sacred ground. The Chamber of the Hearth also had two gates, one opening onto the terrace and the other on to the Priest's Court. The gate that opened onto the Priest's Court had a small wicket (pšpt), i.e. a small door, built into or near a larger gate, that allowed priests access to the Priest's Court for the purpose of inspecting the Priest's Court (m. Mid. 1.7). It also had a vault and a large room, presumably the reception room referred to in m. Mid. 1.6, which was surrounded by what is called stone rwbdyn, which seem to be steps. The room served as sleeping quarters for the elders of the priests' divisions who had in their possession the keys to the Priest's Court (m. Mid. 1.8).
As indicated, the gate to the east leading into the Court of Women may have been the Beautiful Gate (Acts 3:1-10) and was the principal entrance into the inner courts. (The inner courts were situated along an east-west axis, although the main entrance into the outer courts was from the south and west.) Women were required to enter through the north or south gates (War 5.5.2; 199). Like the other gates, they that were overlaid with silver and gold (War 5.5.3; 201). This gate led into the Court of Women, where all Jews could enter, except those who were ritually impure (Apion 2.8; 104). The walls of the Court of Women were lined by porticoes, thereby creating a corridor from east to west (War 5.5.2; 200); along the walls of the Court of Women were storage chambers where Temple property or perhaps private property was stored (War 5.5.2; 200). When Herod was thought to be on his death bed, Josephus says that some youths, at the instigation of their teachers Judas and Matthias, pulled down a golden eagle that Herod had erected over the great gate of the Temple as a dedicatory offering (Ant. 17.6.1-3; 151-63 = War 1.33.2-4; 649-55). The Temple gate referred to is probably the Beautiful Gate. In their view, the biblical prohibition against images justified their action. The youths responsible climbed onto the roof, lowered themselves and cut the image down with axes.
Somewhere among the chambers in the Court of Women was located the Temple treasury (gazophulakia), a place where money donated to the Temple or deposited privately was kept (War 5.5.2; 200; 6.5.2; 282; see Ant. 19.6.1; 294). According to the Mishnah there were located in the Temple thirteen horned-shaped depositories (shoparoth) designated for different types of offerings; people would deposit money in these depositories for different purposes (m. Sheq. 2.1; 6. 1, 5). It is probable that these thirteen depositories were located near the Temple treasury; the contents of these depositories were periodically emptied and stored in the Temple treasury. (The same name is used for these depositories as for the Temple treasury itself.) Probably, another name for the Temple treasury is "Storehouse of God" (tou theou thesauros) (see Ant. 17.10.2; 264; War 2.3.3; 50). Josephus relates how, when Archelaus was in Rome petitioning Augustus to confirm the last will of his father, Herod, a riot broke out in the Temple during the Festival of Weeks; Varus, proconsul of Syria, attempted to quell the disturbance. According to Josephus, the rioters climbed on top of the porticoes surrounding the outer court and attacked the Roman legionnaires from above. In retaliation, the Romans burned the porticoes feeding the fire with combustible materials until the porticoes collapsed (Josephus says that the porticoes had some wooden components, no doubt its beams, and even gold ornamentation). Pushing their way through the fire, the Romans made their way into the Temple treasury, which they proceeded to plunder (Ant. 17.10.2; 254-64 = War 2.3.2-3; 45-50). Josephus also says that when he was procurator of Judea, Pontius Pilate illegally expropriated funds from the Temple treasury to build an aqueduct (Ant. 18.3.2; 60-62 = War 2.9.4; 175-77).
According to the Mishnah, which may be correct, there were four unroofed chambers in the four corners of the Court of Women. One was the place where unclean priests inspected the firewood removing wood that was worm-eaten; another was the room where those taking the Nazarite vow would cut their hair and cook their peace-offerings. A third was the place where lepers would cleanse themselves before presenting themselves before the priest (see Lev 14; Mark 1:44). According to t. Neg. 8:9 and m. Neg. 14:8, the leper who came to the Temple for final cleansing would immerse himself in "the chamber of the lepers" (lshkth hmtswr'im). This means that there must have been a ritual bath (mikveh) in this chamber. The Mishnah seems to refer to this chamber as being one of the two chambers closest to the eastern (i.e., Beautiful) gate; if so, in addition to the inspection of lepers, this chamber was also used for women to be purified after childbirth (Lev 12) and for the carrying out the ordeal for the suspected adulteress (Num 5:5-31) (m. Sotah 1.5; m. Tamid 5.6). (How often the latter was done is not known.) The fourth of these chambers was the place where drink offerings and grain offerings were kept (m. Mid. 2.5). Also, according to the Mishnah, which again may be correct, there was an elevated gallery in the Court of Women, probably on top of the portico roof on the south, east and north sides. It was meant for women to use in order to keep men and women from commingling (m. Mid. 2.5).
The Court of Women led into the Court of the Israelites via a curved staircase of fifteen steps, which led up to the Nicanor Gate (m. Mid. 1.4; 2.6). As indicated, according to Josephus, this gate was larger than the other nine gates (being fifty cubits high with doors forty cubits wide); its doors were supposed to have been made of Corinthian bronze (War 5.201) and it took twenty men to open and close it (War 6.5.3; 293). The Levites would stand on these steps when they sang the Song of Ascents (Pss 120–134), sung during the three pilgram festivals (m. Mid. 2.6). One first entered into the Court of Israelites, where only ritually pure Jewish men could enter (Ant. 15.11.5; 419). (According to Josephus, during the Roman attack on the revolutionaries who had taken refuge in the Temple, the Nicanor Gate opened of its own accord after having been closed and bolted [War 6.5.3; 293-94].) Under the Court of the Israelites there were chambers that opened out into the Court of the Women; these underground rooms were used for storage of equipment and musical instruments used by the Levites (m. Mid. 2.6). According to the Mishnah, the Court of the Israelites was 135 cubits wide and eleven cubits deep, and was separated from the Court of the Priests by a low balustrade, which was elevated above the Court of the Israelites by a few steps (War 5.5.6; 226; m. Mid. 2.6). The Mishnah also claims that the Court of Priests was 135 cubits wide and eleven cubits deep, whereas the entire Temple Court (seemingly excluding the Court of Women) was 135 cubits wide and 187 cubits deep (m. Mid. 2.6). If true, then probably what is referred to as the Court of Priests ("Hall of Priests") in m. Mid. 2.6 does not include the area in which the altar is found, because the altar would seem to be too large to fit comfortably into a space of eleven cubits; rather the eleven cubits is probably a space separating the altar from the Court of Israelites (see below).
The Mishnah indicates that there were six chambers (lškwt) along the north and south sides of the Court of Priests, three on the north side and three on the south side, corresponding to the six gates, set aside for special purposes. These are in addition to the Chamber of the Hearth on the north, connected to the gate of the same name. On the north side there was the "Salt Chamber" where salt used for sacrifices was stored, the Parvah Chamber where the hides of the sacrifices were salted and the "Rinsing Chamber" where sacrifices were rinsed (probably the innards of sacrifices). On the south side, were located the "Wood Chamber," the function of which was forgotten, the "Diaspora Chamber," where the water supply for the Temple was controlled, and the "Gazith Chamber" (i.e., Hewn Stone Chamber) where the Sanhedrin used to meet to judge the priesthood (m. Mid. 5.3-4). There may have been more chamber than these, but they are not named in the sources. Around the courtyard and between the gates there were porticos (War 5.200).
In the Court of Priests stood the altar, the ramp, the shambles, and the laver among other things needed for sacrifice (War 5.5.6; 225; m. Mid. 3.1, 6; 5.2; m. Tamid 1.4). (There is also a reference to the "Chamber of Utensils" in m. Tamid 3.4.) According to m. Mid. 3.1, the base of the altar was thirty-two cubits square, rose one cubit from the ground and had a one cubit wide ledge around it; on the base stood the altar itself, five cubits high with a one cubit ledge around it. Josephus, who may be more credible, however, indicates that the altar was fifteen cubits high and fifty cubits square (War 5.5.6; 225). On each corner of the altar there were four "horns." Leading up to the altar on the south side was a ramp; on the west side of the ramp was a "cavity" where disqualified bird offerings were thrown (m. Mid. 3.3). The Letter of Aristeas describes a drainage system connected to the altar in the pre-Herodian Temple for the purpose of washing away sacrificial blood (89-90); since the Mishnah also refers to a system for the elimination of sacrificial blood (m. Mid. 3.2), likely this indispensable feature was retained in the Herodian Temple. According to m. Mid. 3.2, at the southwest corner of the altar there were two holes through which blood was flushed away by water into the Kidron valley. Also at the same corner of the altar there was a pit covered by a paving stone functioning as a lid; the paving stone had a ring in it with which to remove it (m. Mid. 3.3). Priests probably poured what remained of libations into this pit. According to Josephus, there was a day set aside in the year for the people to bring an offering of wood to be used for the altar (War 2.425). To the north of the altar there were rows of rings affixed to the ground, which were used in the slaughtering of animals. (It seems that the animal's head was put into the ring to keep it immobile.) In the same location was found the shambles ("House of Slaughter") where the animal was killed and flayed (m. Mid. 3.5). To the south, between the sanctuary portico and altar was situated the laver (m. Mid. 3.6). According to biblical prescription, priests would wash their hands and feet in the laver before making sacrifices.
The sanctuary (hykl), consisting most importantly of the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, was situated west of the Court of the Priests; to the west of the altar was a portico functioning as a propylaeum (also called propylon) (an entrance or vestibule) to the building behind it (War 5.5.3; 206). (The Mishnah refers to this as the 'wlm [m. Mid. 3.7].) According to m. Mid. 4.7, the portico was called the "Chamber of the Slaughter-knives" because knives used for killing sacrificial animals were stored there. The entire sanctuary was wider in front and narrower behind (War 5.5.4; 207; m. Mid. 4.7 "like a lion"). The portico was 100 cubits across and 100 cubits high; the width of the building behind the portico was sixty cubits (War 5.5.4; 207; 5.5.5; 221); according to m. Mid. 4.7, from east to west, the sanctuary was 100 cubits. The exterior of the building was covered with gold so that it reflected the sunlight (War 5.5.6; 222); this part of the Temple was the most elevated so that the gold would be visible from afar off. There were golden spikes affixed to the roof of the sanctuary to keep birds from landing on it (War 5.5.6; 223-24; m. Mid. 4.6).
One ascended twelve steps up to the portico functioning as a propylaeum into which one entered through a gate with no doors; this entrance was seventy cubits high and twenty five cubits wide (War 5.5.4; 208). (The Mishnah states the dimensions of this entrance, however, as forty cubits high and twenty cubits wide [m. Mid. 3.7].) Moving westward, one entered through the portico into the Holy Place, where only priests could enter. There were two doors fifty-five cubits high and sixteen wide, separating the portico from the Holy Place, each covered with gold, and above these were golden vines (War 5.5.4; 210; Ant. 15.9.2; 394; m. Mid. 3.8; see also Tacitus. Hist. 5.5). These golden vines may have hung from free-standing columns on either side of the doorway (Shanks, Jerusalem's Temple Mount, 95). In front of the doors, but presumably not obscuring them, hung a tapestry (War 5.5.4; 210). According to m. Yoma 3.10, Queen Helena donated a golden lamp that hung over the entrance of the sanctuary (hykl). In m. Mid. 4.1, it is specified that there were actually two sets of two doors separating the Holy Place from the portico; moreover, each of the four doors was a double door and would fold back on itself (m. Mid. 4.1). To open both sets of doors, a priest would enter through a small door on the north side of the portico and make his way into a room that led to a corridor between the two doors where he would open each set of doors; the smaller door also provided access into the Holy Place (m. Mid. 4.2). One could see through the entrance of the portico to the doors separating the portico from the Holy Place (War 5.5.4; 208). In the Holy Place stood the menorah, the incense altar, and the table of shewbread (War 5.5.5; 217) (see Luke 1:5-25). In one of the bas-reliefs of the arch of Titus in Rome, the table of shew-bread is depicted being carried as part of the Temple plunder in a triumphal procession; also included are trumpets, censers and the Menorah (see below).
To the west of the Holy Place lay the "shrine" (debir) or Holy of Holies (qodesh qodashim) where only the High Priest could enter once a year on the Day of Atonement; there was nothing in the Holy of Holies (War 5.5.5; 219; m. Mid. 4.7). The fact that there was no image of God in the holy of holies (or anywhere else in the Temple) was unusual in the ancient world and was incomprehensible to non-Jews. In fact, Josephus explains in some detail how, when he became emperor, Gaius (Caligula) ordered Petronius, proconsul of Syria, to erect a statue of him in the sanctuary (naos) because he wanted the Jews to venerate him as a god. Petronius protested and delayed, and Gaius died before Petronius carried out the order, to the relief of all sensible people. (The Jews did agree to offer two sacrifices daily for the benefit of Caesar [Ant. 18.8.2-9; 261-309 = War 2.10.1-5; 184-203].) In m. Yoma 5.2, it is explained that there was a stone called "Foundation" (shetijah) three finger breadths high in the Holy of Holies intended as a platform for the missing ark of the covenant. A curtain separated the Holy of Holies from the Holy Place (War 5.5.4; 212-13; 5..5.5; 219). Josephus describes this curtain in some detail.
There is some evidence that there were in fact two curtains, a cubit apart (half a meter), separating the Holy Place from the Holy of Holies (m. Yoma 5.1; see Heb 9:3). Philo explains that the outer curtain was called the "covering" (kalumma) whereas the inner curtain was called the "veil" (katapetasma) (Vita Mos. 2.101).
To the north, south and west sides of the sanctuary (the Holy Place and Holy of Holies) (sixty cubits in height) were three stories of interconnected widowless rooms, thirty-eight in all; access to these rooms was from the two sides of the portico (War 5.5.5; 220-21). The Mishnah describes these rooms and their functions in some detail. According to this source, there were three stories of five rooms on the north and the south; on the west side there were two stories of three rooms and a third story of two rooms, for a total of thirty-eight rooms. These rooms were connected to one one another on either side as well as above and below. In addition, there was a winding staircase that led from the lower northeast corner to the upper northwest corner; one then traveled along a corridor on the west side moving south and, reaching the end, one turned east and traveled along the south side until one reached the entrance to the story above the sanctuary. From this upper story one could ascend a ladder until one reached the roof. In the upper story there were openings into the Holy of Holies from which workers could be lowered facing the wall in order to make repairs (m. Mid. 4.3-5). The use to which the upper portion of the sanctuary (forty cubits in height) was put is not known (War 5.5.5; 221).
In the north west corner of the Temple mount stood the Antonia citadel, a Roman garrison where the procurator resided when in Jerusalem; it was connected to the outer court of the Temple by an underground passage (Ant. 15.11.7; 424). This citadel was formerly called the baris (Heb. birah) (see Ant. 15.11.4; 403). There was an secret underground passage from the Antonia to the inner courts of the Temple (Ant. 15.11.7; 424). It seems also that there was access to the top of the outer walls of the Temple from the Antonia (War 2.15.6; 330; 6.2.9; 165).
Most Jews during the second Temple period recognized the Temple as a Jewish cultic center and made use of it, according to their interpretation of the biblical prescriptions. Evidence of this is the positive references to the Temple and its religious significance in Sirach, Letter of Aristeas and the writings of Philo of Alexandria (Spec. Laws, 1.141-44; 66-345; Embassy 156).
during the second-Temple period believed that the second Temple would
be replaced by a third, eschatological Temple. The author of Tobit,
writing sometime in the second century BCE, states that the Temple
rebuilt under Nehemiah will be replaced by a third Temple, built at
the final restoration of Israel to the land "according to what the
prophets of Israel have said" (Tobit 14.5). (Although many of the
Hebrew prophets foretell the rebuilding of the Temple, only Ezekiel
gives a detailed description [Ezek 40-48].) In a more polemical context,
the author of the Animal Apocalypse found in 1 Enoch affirms
that at the end God will remove the "old house" and replace it with
a "new house" (90.28-29). By house is meant either Temple or the city
of Jerusalem, which would include the Temple. The former Temple is
said to have been defiled (89.73). Likewise, in the Apocalypse of
Weeks in 1 Enoch, in the eighth week, the time of the eschaton,
it is said that there will be built "a house," i.e., Temple, for the
Great King forever. Presumably, the existing Temple is to be replaced.
The Temple Scroll found at Qumran distinguishes the present
Temple from the eschatological Temple yet to be built and destined
to last forever (11QTemple 29.8-10) (See also 4Q174 1; Jubilees
1.15-29; 25.21; Testament of Benjamin 9.2; Sybilline
Oracles 3.294, 702-20, 772-74; 5.414-33.) The Qumran sectarian
community forbade its members from entering or making use of the second
Temple "during the age of wickedness" (CD 6.11b-14). If it
is a sectarian document, the Temple Scroll represents a description
of the Temple that is to replace the present defiled one. It seems,
however, that the community understood "the council of the community,"
the ruling body of the community, as a temporary replacement of the
Temple. The council of the community is described in terms befitting
the Temple and said to provide atonement for the community (1QS